Major General George McClellan in the Civil War

Major General George McClellan in the Civil War George Brinton McClellan was born December 23, 1826 in Philadelphia, PA. The third child of Dr. George McClellan and Elizabeth Brinton, McClellan briefly attended the University of Pennsylvania in 1840 before leaving to pursue legal studies. Bored with the law, McClellan elected to seek a military career two years later. With the aid of President John Tyler, McClellan received an appointment to West Point in 1842 despite being a year younger than the typical entry age of sixteen. In school, many of McClellans close friends, including A.P. Hill and Cadmus Wilcox, were from the South and would later become his adversaries during the Civil War. His classmates included future notable generals in Jesse L. Reno, Darius N. Couch, Thomas Stonewall Jackson, George Stoneman, and George Pickett. An ambitious student while at the academy, he developed a great interest in the military theories of Antoine-Henri Jomini and Dennis Hart Mahan. Graduating second in his class in 1846, he was assigned to the Corps of Engineers and ordered to remain at West Point. Mexican-American War This duty was brief as he was soon dispatched to the Rio Grande for service in the Mexican-American War. Arriving off the Rio Grande too late to take part in Major General Zachary Taylors campaign against Monterrey, he fell ill for a month with dysentery and malaria. Recovering, he shifted south to join General Winfield Scott for the advance on Mexico City. Preforming reconnaissance missions for Scott, McClellan gained invaluable experience and earned a brevet promotion to first lieutenant for his performance at Contreras and Churubusco. This was followed by a brevet to captain for his actions at the Battle of Chapultepec. As the war was brought to a successful conclusion, McClellan also learned the value of balancing political and military affairs as well as maintaining relations with civilian populations. Interwar Years McClellan returned to a training role at West Point after the war and oversaw a company of engineers. Settling into a series of peacetime assignments, he wrote several training manuals, aided in the construction of Fort Delaware, and took part in an expedition up the Red River led by his future father-in-law Captain Randolph B. Marcy. A skilled engineer, McClellan was later assigned to survey routes for the transcontinental railroad by Secretary of War Jefferson Davis. Becoming a favorite of Davis, he conducted an intelligence mission to Santo Domingo in 1854, before being promoted to captain the following year and posted to the 1st Cavalry Regiment. Due to his language skills and political connections, this assignment was brief and later that year he was dispatched as an observer to the Crimean War. Returning in 1856, he wrote of his experiences and developed training manuals based on European practices. Also during this time, he designed the McClellan Saddle for use by the US Army. Electing to capitalize on his railroad knowledge, he resigned his commission on January 16, 1857 and became the chief engineer and vice president of the Illinois Central Railroad. In 1860, he also became the president of the Ohio and Mississippi Railroad. Tensions Rise Though a gifted railroad man, McClellans primary interest remained the military and he considered returning the US Army and becoming a mercenary in support of Benito Jurez. Marrying Mary Ellen Marcy on May 22, 1860 in New York City, McClellan was an avid supporter of Democrat Stephen Douglas in the 1860 presidential election. With the election of Abraham Lincoln and the resulting Secession Crisis, McClellan was eagerly sought by several states, including Pennsylvania, New York, and Ohio, to lead their militia. An opponent of federal interference with slavery, he was also quietly approached by the South but refused citing his rejection of the concept of secession. Building an Army Accepting Ohios offer, McClellan was commissioned a major general of volunteers on April 23, 1861. In place four days, he wrote a detailed letter to Scott, now general-in-chief, outlining two plans for winning the war. Both were dismissed by Scott as unfeasible which led to tensions between the two men. McClellan re-entered federal service on May 3 and was named commander of the Department of the Ohio. On May 14, he received a commission as a major general in the regular army making him second in seniority to Scott. Moving to occupy western Virginia to protect the Baltimore Ohio Railroad, he courted controversy by announcing that he would not interfere with slavery in the area. Pushing through Grafton, McClellan won a series of small battles, including Philippi, but began to display the cautious nature and unwillingness to fully commit his command to battle that would dog him later in the war. The only Union successes to date, McClellan was ordered to Washington by President Lincoln after Brigadier General Irvin McDowells defeat at First Bull Run. Reaching the city on July 26, he was made commander of the Military District of the Potomac and immediately began assembling an army out of the units in the area. An adept organizer, he worked tirelessly to create the Army of the Potomac and cared deeply for the welfare of his men. In addition, McClellan ordered an extensive series of fortifications constructed to protect the city from Confederate attack. Frequently butting heads with Scott regarding strategy, McClellans favored fighting a grand battle rather than implementing Scotts Anaconda Plan. Also, he insistence on not interfering with slavery drew ire from Congress and the White House. As the army grew, he became increasingly convinced that the Confederate forces opposing him in northern Virginia badly outnumbered him. By mid-August, he believed that enemy strength numbered around 150,000 when in fact it seldom exceeded 60,000. Additionally, McClellan became highly secretive and refused to share strategy or basic army information with Scott and Lincolns cabinet. To the Peninsula In late October, the conflict between Scott and McClellan came to a head and the elderly general retired. As a result, McClellan was made general-in-chief, despite some misgivings from Lincoln. Increasingly more secretive regarding his plans, McClellan openly disdained the president, referring to him as a well-mannered baboon, and weakened his position through frequent insubordination. Facing growing anger over his inaction, McClellan was called to the White House on January 12, 1862 to explain his campaign plans. At the meeting, he outlined a plan calling for the army to move down the Chesapeake to Urbanna on the Rappahannock River before marching to Richmond. After several additional clashes with Lincoln over strategy, McClellan was forced to revise his plans when Confederate forces withdrew to a new line along the Rappahannock. His new plan called for landing at Fortress Monroe and advancing up the Peninsula to Richmond. Following the Confederate withdraw, he came under heavy criticism for allowing their escape and was removed as general-in-chief on March 11, 1862. Embarking six days later, the army began a slow movement to the Peninsula. Failure on the Peninsula Advancing west, McClellan moved slowly and again was convinced that he faced a larger opponent. Stalled at Yorktown by Confederate earthworks, he paused to bring up siege guns. These proved unnecessary as the enemy fell back. Crawling forward, he reached a point four miles from Richmond when he was attacked by General Joseph Johnston at Seven Pines on May 31. Though his line held, the high casualties shook his confidence. Pausing for three weeks to await reinforcements, McClellan was again attacked on June 25 by forces under General Robert E. Lee. Quickly losing his nerve, McClellan began falling back during a series of engagements known as the Seven Days Battles. This saw inconclusive fighting at Oak Grove on June 25 and a tactical Union victory at Beaver Dam Creek the next day. On June 27, Lee resumed his attacks and won a victory at Gaines Mill. Subsequent fighting saw Union forces driven back at Savages Station and Glendale before finally making at stand at Malvern Hill on July 1. Concentrating his army at Harrisons Landing on the James River, McClellan remained in place protected by the guns of the US Navy. The Maryland Campaign While McClellan remained on the Peninsula calling for reinforcements and blaming Lincoln for his failure, the president appointed Major General Henry Halleck as general-in-chief and ordered Major General John Pope to form the Army of Virginia. Lincoln also offered command of the Army of the Potomac to Major General Ambrose Burnside, but he declined. Convinced that the timid McClellan would not make another attempt on Richmond, Lee moved north and crushed Pope at the Second Battle of Manassas on August 28-30. With Popes force shattered, Lincoln, against the wishes of many Cabinet members, returned McClellan to overall command around Washington on September 2. Joining Popes men to the Army of the Potomac, McClellan moved west with his reorganized army in pursuit of Lee who had invaded Maryland. Reaching Frederick, MD, McClellan was presented with a copy of Lees movement orders which had been found by a Union soldier. Despite a boastful telegram to Lincoln, McClellan continued to move slowly allowing Lee to occupy the passes over South Mountain. Attacking on September 14, McClellans cleared the Confederates away at the Battle of South Mountain. While Lee fell back to Sharpsburg, McClellan advanced to Antietam Creek east of the town. An intended attack on the 16th was called off allowing Lee to dig in. Beginning the Battle of Antietam early on the 17th, McClellan established his headquarters far to the rear and was unable to exert personal control over his men. As a result, the Union attacks were not coordinated, allowing the outnumbered Lee to shift men to meet each in turn. Again believing that it was he who was badly outnumbered, McClellan refused to commit two of his corps and held them in reserve when their presence on the field would have been decisive. Though Lee retreated after the battle, McClellan had missed a key opportunity to crush a smaller, weaker army and perhaps end the war in the East. Relief 1864 Campaign In the wake of the battle, McClellan failed to pursue Lees wounded army. Remaining around Sharpsburg, he was visited by Lincoln. Again angered by McClellans lack of activity, Lincoln relieved McClellan on November 5, replacing him with Burnside. Though a poor field commander, his departure was mourned by the men who felt that Little Mac had always worked to care for them and their morale. Ordered to report to Trenton, NJ to await orders by Secretary of War Edwin Stanton, McClellan was effectively sidelined. Though public calls for his return were issued after the defeats at Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville, McClellan was left to write an account of his campaigns. Nominated as the Democratic candidate for the presidency in 1864, McClellan was hamstrung by his personal view that the war should be continued and the Union restored and the partys platform which called for an end to the fighting and a negotiated peace. Facing Lincoln, McClellan was undone by the deep divide in the party and numerous Union battlefield successes which bolstered the National Union (Republican) ticket. On election day, he was defeated by Lincoln who won with 212 electoral votes and 55% of the popular vote. McClellan only garnered 21 electoral votes. Later Life In the decade after the war, McClellan enjoyed two long trips to Europe and returned to the world of engineering and railroads. In 1877, he was nominated as the Democratic candidate for governor of New Jersey. He won the election and served a single term, leaving office in 1881. An avid supporter of Grover Cleveland, he had hoped to be named secretary of war, but political rivals blocked his appointment. McClellan suddenly died on October 29, 1885, after suffering from chest pains for several weeks. He was buried at Riverview Cemetery in Trenton, NJ.

Global Capitalism -- Critiques from Sociologists

Global Capitalism Critiques from Sociologists Global capitalism, the current epoch in the centuries-long history of the capitalist economy, is heralded by many as a free and open economic system that brings people from around the world together to foster innovations in production, for facilitating exchange of culture and knowledge, for bringing jobs to struggling economies worldwide, and for providing consumers with an ample supply of affordable goods. But while many may enjoy benefits of global capitalism, others around the world in fact, most do not. The research and theories of sociologists and intellectuals who focus on globalization, including William I. Robinson, Saskia Sassen, Mike Davis, and Vandana Shiva shed light on the ways this system harms many. Global Capitalism is Anti-Democratic Global capitalism is, to quote Robinson, â€Å"profoundly anti-democratic.† A tiny group of global elite decide the rules of the game  and control the vast majority of the world’s resources. In 2011, Swiss researchers found that just 147 of the world’s corporations and investment groups controlled 40 percent of corporate wealth, and just over 700 control nearly all of it (80 percent). This puts the vast majority of the world’s resources under the control of a tiny fraction of the world’s population. Because political power follows economic power, democracy in the context of global capitalism can be nothing but a dream. Using Global Capitalism as a Development Tool Does More Harm than Good Approaches to development that sync with the ideals and goals of global capitalism do far more harm than good. Many countries that were impoverished by colonization and imperialism are now impoverished by IMF and World Bank development schemes that force  them to adopt free trade policies in order to receive development loans. Rather than bolstering local and national economies, these policies pour money into the coffers of global corporations that operate in these nations under free trade agreements. And, by focusing development on urban sectors, hundreds of millions of people around the world have been pulled out of rural communities by the promise of jobs, only to find themselves un- or under-employed  and living in densely crowded and dangerous slums. In 2011, the United Nations Habitat Report estimated that 889 million people- or more than 10 percent of the world’ population- would live in slums by 2020. The Ideology of Global Capitalism Undermines the Public Good The neoliberal ideology that supports and justifies global capitalism undermines public welfare. Freed from regulations and most  tax obligations, corporations made wealthy in the era of global capitalism have effectively stolen social welfare, support systems, and public services and industries from people all over the world. The neoliberal ideology that goes hand in hand with this economic system places the burden of survival solely on an individual’s ability to earn money and consume. The concept of the common good is a thing of the past. The Privatization of Everything Only Helps the Wealthy Global capitalism has marched steadily across the planet, gobbling up all land and resources in its path. Thanks to the neoliberal ideology of privatization, and the global capitalist imperative for growth, it is increasingly difficult for people all over the world to access the resources necessary for a just and sustainable livelihood, like communal space, water, seed, and workable agricultural land. The Mass Consumerism Required by Global Capitalism is Unsustainable Global capitalism spreads consumerism as a way of life, which is fundamentally unsustainable. Because consumer goods mark progress and success under global capitalism, and because neoliberal ideology encourages us to survive and thrive as individuals rather than as communities, consumerism is our contemporary way of life. The  desire for consumer goods and the ​cosmopolitan way of life they signal is one of the key pull factors that draws hundreds of millions of rural peasants to urban centers in search of work. Already, the planet and its resources have been pushed beyond limits due to the treadmill of consumerism in Northern and Western nations. As consumerism spreads to more newly developed nations via global capitalism, the depletion of the earth’s resources, waste, environmental pollution, and the warming of the planet are increasing to catastrophic ends. Human and Environmental Abuses Characterize Global Supply Chains The globalized supply chains that bring all of this stuff to us are largely unregulated  and systemically rife with human and environmental abuses. Because global corporations act as large buyers rather than producers of goods, they do not directly hire most of the people who make their products. This arrangement frees them from any liability for the inhumane and dangerous work conditions where goods are made, and from responsibility for environmental pollution, disasters, and public health crises. While capital has been globalized, the  regulation of production  has  not. Much of what stands for regulation today is a sham, with private industries auditing and certifying themselves. Global Capitalism Fosters Precarious and Low-Wage Work The flexible nature of labor under  global capitalism  has put the vast majority of working people in very precarious positions. Part-time work, contract work, and insecure work are the norm, none of which bestow benefits or long-term job security upon people. This problem crosses all industries, from manufacturing of garments and consumer electronics, and even for  professors at U.S. colleges and universities, most of whom are hired on a short-term basis for low pay. Further, the globalization of the labor supply has created a race to the bottom in wages, as corporations search for the cheapest labor from country to country and workers are forced to accept unjustly low wages, or risk having no work at all. These conditions lead to poverty, food insecurity, unstable housing and homelessness, and troubling mental and physical health outcomes. Global Capitalism Fosters Extreme Wealth Inequality The hyper-accumulation of wealth experienced by corporations and a selection of elite individuals has caused a sharp rise in wealth inequality within nations and on the global scale. Poverty amidst plenty is now the norm. According to a  report released by Oxfam  in January 2014, half of the world’s wealth is owned by  just one percent  of the world’s population. At 110 trillion dollars, this wealth is 65 times as much as that owned by the bottom half of the world’s population. The fact that 7 out of 10 people now live in countries where economic inequality has increased over the last 30 years is proof that the system of global capitalism works for the few at the expense of the many. Even in the U.S., where politicians would have us believe that we have â€Å"recovered† from the economic recession, the wealthiest one percent captured 95 percent of economic growth during the recovery, while  90 percent of us are now poorer. Global Capitalism Fosters Social Conflict Global capitalism  fosters social conflict, which will only persist and grow as the system expands. Because capitalism enriches the few at the expense of the many, it generates conflict over access to resources like food, water, land, jobs and others resources. It also generates political conflict over the conditions and relations of production that define the system, like worker strikes and protests, popular protests and upheavals, and protests against environmental destruction. Conflict generated by global capitalism can be sporadic, short-term, or prolonged, but regardless of duration, it is often dangerous and costly to human life. A recent and ongoing example of this surrounds the  mining of coltan in Africa for smartphones and tablets  and many other minerals used in consumer electronics. Global Capitalism Does the Most Harm to the Most Vulnerable Global capitalism hurts people of color, ethnic minorities, women, and children the most. The history of  racism  and gender discrimination within Western nations, coupled with the increasing concentration of wealth in the hands of the few, effectively  bars women  and  people of color from accessing  the wealth generated by global capitalism. Around the world, ethnic, racial, and gender hierarchies influence or prohibit access to stable employment. Where capitalist based development occurs in former colonies, it often targets those regions because the labor of those who live there is â€Å"cheap† by virtue of a long history of racism, subordination of women, and political domination. These forces have led to what scholars term the â€Å"feminization of poverty,† which has disastrous outcomes for the world’s children, half of whom live in poverty.